By Raphael Warjri
The provincial council, or Dorbar Hima, is composed of representatives from the territorial councils and is headed by the chieftain, or ‘Syiem.’ The provincial structure also includes a Lyngdoh for religious duties, supported by subordinates such as ‘Sohblei’ and political officials like ‘Lyngskor’ (deputy chief), ‘Basan,’ and other functionaries who serve various roles, including messengers (‘Sangot’) and official minstrels (‘Duhalia’).
A key feature of the Khasi folk democratic system is its egalitarian nature, applicable at all administrative levels. The Syiem serves as the titular head within the community assembly, or Dorbar Hima, and is endorsed by the executive council, known as Dorbar Bakhraw. The title ‘U Syiem U Mraw’ conveys the idea that the chief is both a servant and protector of the community, while ‘U Syiem U Kmie’ reflects the nurturing role of the chieftain as a mother to the citizens.
The community members are referred to as ‘Ki Khun Ki Hajar,’ while migrants settling from other territories are known as ‘Raïot.’ Indigenous communities are categorized into citizens (‘Ki Khun Ki Hajar’), migratory settlers (‘Soh Hima’), and foreigners (‘Mynder’).
Customary practices extend to matrilineal descent and land tenure systems, where the community collectively serves as custodians of the land. The Syiem, his royal family, and state dignitaries may utilize land only with the community assembly’s resolution, underscoring the public’s empowerment.
Each household is responsible for producing a representative, scrutinized through various councils: family, clan, territorial, and state. Only elected representatives can participate in deliberations, while others may attend to support their representatives. This structure is often misinterpreted as excluding women from councils; however, mature women may represent their families when no eligible males are available. Historical accounts of women chieftains and leaders illustrate this inclusivity.
In essence, Khasi folk democracy embodies a collective commitment to governance that embraces both men and women, maintaining the sacred decorum of the institution.
Chapter- 5 Alternative Democracy
The government allocates a substantial amount of money—often in the crores of rupees—for elections, which are held on specific occasions during a given tenure. However, this process comes with certain restrictions, particularly due to the model code of conduct, which is designed to prevent candidates from offering public benefits or advantages that might be exploited by the ruling party for political gain. In the broader context, the resources and time spent on elections, along with the deployment of manpower and personnel at the expense of the public exchequer, result in unnecessary waste of resources. This hampers the general progress of society and the state, diverting attention from more pressing developmental needs.
To address this inefficiency, it would be beneficial to start the electoral process at the grassroots level and gradually expand it through various tiers of governance, with designated officials tasked with progressive responsibilities. This process should not be deterred by political elections or disrupt developmental schemes. One potential model is the ancient Khasi folk democratic system, which required every household to hold a domestic council. The proceedings of these councils, along with a list of family representatives, would be submitted to the local authority, with these representatives actively participating in village or locality councils.
These councils would be mandated to meet annually, as directed by higher authorities, in order to select representatives who would then move on to the next level of governance. For the state of Meghalaya, this could mean electing representatives to the constituency level, such as the Mawlai Town Durbar or other similar entities. From the constituency council, a representative would be chosen to serve on the district council.
This tiered, local-to-regional process ensures that local aspirations are adequately addressed while also opening the door for citizens—particularly non-indigenous residents—to field candidates in the broader state legislative assembly. By structuring elections in this manner, the entire population would not be directly involved in the competitive and often unfair practices that can arise during large-scale elections. Instead, funds typically reserved for conducting elections could be redirected toward meaningful development activities, fostering greater societal progress.
The benefit of the electoral process lies in its ability to engage communities in the routine and effective administration of local and regional governance without the need for special arrangements or periodic elections. In order to streamline and make the electoral process more practical, a new operational framework is being proposed for the smooth conduct of elections and community engagement.
Local Authorities and Household Representation: The Dorbar Shnong, or local governing body in both urban and rural areas, will play a central role in this process. Each household in the locality or village will be instructed to convene a family council. From these councils, a designated male or female adult representative will be selected to represent the family at the office of the Dorbar Shnong. Along with this representative, the family must submit an updated list of household members to the Dorbar Shnong.
In cases where a household has residents who do not qualify as eligible members of the local civil administration, the Dorbar Shnong office will gather this data for record-keeping and reference purposes. This will aid in efficiently compiling important civic information, such as population statistics, income levels, and other demographic data required by government bodies for policy-making and resource allocation.
Annual Council Meetings and Representation: The locality or village will hold an annual council meeting to which all residents are allowed to attend. However, only the designated representatives will be given the privilege to participate in the discussions to prevent disruptions or irrelevant input from non-representative attendees. If a representative fails to act in the best interests of their family council or cannot effectively advocate for their views, they will be subject to replacement by local authorities.
Constituency and Local Elections: Each constituency will be structured into a forum responsible for directing localities or villages within its jurisdiction. These forums will organize the annual election of family representatives and the selection of additional executive members within the Dorbar Shnong. Only the elected representatives of families will be permitted to deliberate during the council sessions, though all adult residents are welcome to attend the meetings.
At the constituency level, a representative will be elected from among the Dorbar Shnong council members to serve on the District Council. This representative will be selected based on their cultural expertise and resourcefulness. Additionally, another representative will be elected to serve in the State Legislature, chosen for their administrative skills and political acumen.
Simplifying the Election Process: This approach eliminates the need for extensive general elections for both the District Council and the State Legislature. Instead, the election commission will only be responsible for conducting the parliamentary election. This method can be applied similarly to other election processes, thus ensuring a streamlined, efficient, and more direct form of representation.
Non-Political Representation: It is crucial that all representatives, whether they are selected for the Parliament, the State Legislature, the District Council, or any local administrative role, remain unaffiliated with any political party. Representation will be based solely on individual merit, with candidates being chosen for their proven credentials, be it in cultural leadership, administrative expertise, or political competence.
By implementing this system, the need for frequent electoral processes is reduced, while fostering a form of representation that values individuals’ capabilities over political affiliations. This model aims to build a more sustainable, responsive, and community-driven governance structure.
In addition to household-based representation, this model also ensures that individuals residing in various institutions—such as charitable old age homes, orphanages, care centers for destitute and homeless persons—are included in the democratic process. While these individuals may not belong to traditional family structures, they still constitute an important part of the community. Institutions like these will be able to facilitate the representation of their residents in the respective localities or villages where the institutions are located. This ensures a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to governance, as it allows for full participation from all members of society, regardless of their living arrangements.
Inclusive Representation from Various Institutions: The inclusion of residents from institutions like orphanages and old age homes ensures that people in vulnerable or non-traditional living situations are not excluded from the decision-making process. These residents will be represented by a designated individual from their institution who will attend the local council meetings, alongside representatives from households. This approach bridges any gaps between formal family units and other members of society who may not have a direct family council but still contribute to the community.
By extending the democratic process to these institutions, the electoral system becomes more inclusive, and localities will gain a more accurate and holistic understanding of their population. This method strengthens the fabric of the community by acknowledging that representation should not only be confined to traditional households but should also consider all societal members, especially the vulnerable groups who often get left out.
