By Dipak Kurmi
As the ongoing conflict with Pakistan escalates, India finds itself on the defensive and the offensive simultaneously. Civilian areas, hospitals, and schools are among the latest casualties in Pakistan’s increasing use of missiles and drones. While India’s advanced defence capabilities have largely neutralized these attacks, civilian casualties in Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, and Gujarat are an unacceptable cost of the current tension. The situation demands not just a response but a strategic rethinking of how India positions itself in this ongoing conflict. Our retaliatory actions, characterized by precision and focus on military installations, demonstrate India’s upper hand, with superior air, land, and naval capabilities, reinforced by an unbreachable defence shield. This dominance is not just a reflection of our military strength but also of the resolve and effectiveness of our armed forces and government.
The question that looms large is: Where do we go from here? India’s response, particularly in the wake of the brutal attack in Pahalgam—sponsored by the Pakistani state—should be clear: we will not yield an inch. The Pakistani military and intelligence agencies are engaged in a dangerous game of state-sponsored terrorism, and India must not simply react to their provocations. We must take control of the narrative and lead the course of action.
Pakistan, however, is no ordinary state. It has evolved into a failed nation, primarily controlled by a delusional army and intelligence network—the Army-ISI nexus. This unholy alliance controls the country’s destiny, making the country increasingly unstable and weak. Pakistan’s prime ministers are mere puppets, and its elections are overtly rigged. The country is mired in economic despair, with staggering debt levels that its finance minister can only address through borrowing more to service current obligations. The IMF’s recent bailout can only offer a temporary respite, as the country’s economic fundamentals are in freefall.
Yet, Pakistan’s most glaring issue is not economic but existential. Its leadership has been so intertwined with terrorist networks for decades that it has forgotten what normalcy looks like. Rationality and logic often give way to bigotry and extremism, and Pakistan’s army chief, Asim Munir, exemplifies this unfortunate reality. His radicalisation is reflected in the policies that have kept Pakistan in a perpetual state of hostility, not only with India but with the international community at large. The people of Pakistan, at the mercy of this army-ISI nexus, have no say in the nation’s direction.
Pakistan’s continued support for terrorism is a strategic challenge for India. It is clear that the only option left is to systematically disable the terrorist infrastructure that Pakistan nurtures. This must become India’s ultimate goal: to incapacitate these networks to the point where they are no longer operational or effective.
India’s strategy needs a shift from merely reacting to Pakistan’s provocations to taking proactive control over the situation. For too long, India has allowed itself to be trapped in a cycle of responses to Pakistan’s aggression. Whether it was the Kargil conflict of 1999, the Parliament attack in 2001, the Mumbai attacks in 2008, or the Uri and Pulwama strikes, India’s responses have largely been reactions to Pakistan’s actions. While surgical strikes in 2016 and the Balakot bombing in 2019 showed that India was willing to take action, these too were reactions to Pakistan’s provocations.
The future, however, must see India seize the initiative. Every ceasefire violation by Pakistan—such as the 5,000 violations that occurred in 2020—must be met with not just retaliation but a strategic response that escalates the cost for Pakistan. This can include actions in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and even deeper incursions into Pakistan’s heartland. India needs to develop a strategy that strikes at the very foundations of Pakistan’s military-industrial complex and its economic pillars.
The most potent weapons at India’s disposal are not just military but economic and environmental. The Indus Water Treaty (IWT), signed in 1960, was designed to manage water distribution between India and Pakistan. But with Pakistan’s continued support for terrorism, India must now consider putting this treaty in abeyance. The Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab rivers supply critical water resources to Pakistan, and the country’s agricultural sector, which contributes significantly to its GDP, is heavily reliant on these rivers. Any disruption in water flow could have catastrophic consequences for Pakistan, leading to widespread panic, particularly among its farming communities.
By withholding real-time water data and shutting the sluice gates that control river flow, India can create significant pressure on Pakistan. The country’s deep dependence on agriculture means that any disruption in water supply could cause severe economic and social turmoil. This measure, however, would not be merely an act of revenge but a necessary tactic to force Pakistan to reconsider its policies, particularly in light of its own economic vulnerability.
Furthermore, India must consider responding to Pakistan’s covert support of terrorism by actively supporting Balochistan’s independence movement. While the idea of further balkanizing Pakistan may seem extreme, it reflects a harsh reality: Pakistan’s army and ISI have turned the country into a terror-exporting state. By supporting the Balochistan cause, India can not only weaken Pakistan but also send a message that India will no longer allow itself to be a passive victim of Pakistan’s aggressive policies. This is not an act of subversion for its own sake but a necessary response to Pakistan’s sustained support for terrorism and its failure to adhere to international norms.
The ultimate aim of these actions is to turn the people of Pakistan against their military and intelligence establishment. Pakistan’s public must begin to see that the Army-ISI nexus, which has kept them in a state of perpetual warfare, is not acting in their interest. Pakistan’s farmers, who face the real consequences of water shortages, and its common people, who suffer from the economic toll of constant instability, must understand that they are being used as pawns in a game driven by generals and terrorists. By weakening Pakistan’s internal cohesion, India can accelerate the process of change, eventually leading to the downfall of its failed state apparatus.
This approach will not be without its challenges. The international community may question India’s actions, especially in terms of its interventions in Balochistan or the potential suspension of the Indus Water Treaty. But the world must also understand that India’s actions are driven by a need for self-preservation and security. Pakistan’s actions over the years have forced India into a corner, and now, India must take the fight to Pakistan’s doorstep.
It is clear that Pakistan cannot be allowed to continue its destabilizing actions unchecked. As long as its deep state holds sway, there can be no lasting peace in the region. India’s strategy must now be one of preemption, striking at the heart of Pakistan’s terror infrastructure, creating internal dissent within the country, and bringing global attention to Pakistan’s role in international terrorism. India can no longer afford to be reactive; it must take charge of the narrative and the course of events.
In this high-stakes geopolitical struggle, India has no choice but to act decisively. The future of the region, and indeed, the safety and security of millions of lives, depends on it. The battle is not just for territory but for the very future of a stable and secure South Asia.
(The writer can be reached at dipakkurmiglpltd@gmail.com)
