The apprehension of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has sparked widespread inquiry and contemplation among the populace, casting doubt on the trajectory of the nation. While the ruling party and its adherents have unsurprisingly applauded the action, it has ignited discussions about the diminishing fabric of democracy within our nation.
The timing of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest, amid allegations surrounding the Delhi liquor policy scam, has been a focal point for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), numerous opposition factions, and a considerable segment of the public.
Initiated in November 2021 to modernise alcohol sales in the city, the policy faced scrutiny less than a year later when Delhi’s Chief Secretary, under the jurisdiction of the Lieutenant Governor (LG) rather than the Chief Minister, flagged policy violations in July 2022. Upon the LG’s recommendation, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) was called in to conduct an inquiry, resulting in a report alleging financial losses exceeding Rs580 crore to the exchequer.
Furthermore, it’s noteworthy that Kalvakuntla Kavitha, daughter of former Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao and serving as MLC from Nizamabad, was apprehended on March 15, 2024, linked to the liquor scam. Affiliated with the Bharat Rashtra Samithi party, Kavitha has denounced her arrest as unlawful, citing it as a glaring instance of power misuse.
Opposition figures assert that the timing of Kejriwal and Kavitha’s arrests is aimed at significantly impeding their respective parties’ campaigns for the upcoming Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. This argument gains traction, as it’s evident that Kejriwal’s ability to campaign, if not entirely compromised, would be severely limited from incarceration, whereas his presence on the campaign trail could have wielded substantial influence if he were free.
In addition to Kejriwal and Kavitha, the recent spate of arrests extends to other prominent figures. Former Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren was apprehended by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on January 31, 2024. Anticipating such action, Soren preemptively resigned, passing the baton to Champai Soren. Central agencies, including the ED, CBI, and IT department, have been actively pursuing leaders from various opposition parties like the DMK and the Trinamool Congress. This concerted effort poses a significant challenge to the BJP’s ambitious goals for the upcoming general elections.
The timing of the AAP chief’s arrest on March 21 is rumoured to serve as a distraction from the electoral bonds controversy. With the State Bank of India disclosing all bond details to the Election Commission, allowing scrutiny of donor-party associations, this development is seen as a blow to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The BJP has already faced setbacks, including a Supreme Court ruling against the bond scheme and revelations of being the primary beneficiary of bond contributions. Moreover, connections have been drawn between ED raids on specific entities and their subsequent bond purchases.
The crucial question arises: is there sufficient evidence to implicate Kejriwal in the scam? The government asserts ample evidence exists to do so. Yet, if this is indeed the case, why did the ED delay sending him summons for nearly two years? Additionally, it’s worth noting that the ED is tasked with investigating money laundering offences and foreign exchange law violations. However, as of now, no evidence has surfaced to implicate Kejriwal on these fronts, particularly concerning the liquor policy.
What becomes increasingly apparent is the bias evident in the government’s actions. The Centre has allocated significant resources to pursue action against individuals, all of whom happen to be its political opponents. However, little effort has been made to hold accountable figures such as Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, a BJP Lok Sabha MP accused of sexual harassment by several award-winning wrestlers.
Similarly, no action has been taken against Ramesh Bidhuri, another BJP Lok Sabha MP, who made communal slurs against then Bahujan Samaj Party MP Danish Ali during a parliamentary session. There’s also no indication of any repercussions for Pratap Simha, a BJP MP, who provided passes to two individuals responsible for releasing colored gas canisters in Parliament while it was in session.
The partiality exhibited by central agencies in selectively pursuing actions against perceived offenders is increasingly viewed as a tactic to stifle dissent and silence voices of opposition against government misdeeds. Such a strategy not only undermines democratic principles but also threatens the fabric of our democracy.
(The writer can be reached at dipakkurmiglpltd@gmail.com)
