By Dipak Kurmi
Bangladesh once again finds itself engulfed in a familiar cycle of political unrest, street violence and institutional fragility, a pattern that has defined several turning points in its post-independence history. The immediate trigger this time has been the killing of Sharif Osman Hadi, a radical student leader and a prominent face of the July 2024 uprising that ultimately forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country. Hadi’s death in Singapore, following gunshot injuries sustained in Dhaka, acted as a spark in an already volatile atmosphere shaped by unresolved political transitions, contested legitimacy and intensifying anti-India sentiment. What began as protests demanding justice for Hadi rapidly morphed into widespread violence, targeting symbols of the state, media institutions, political offices, minorities and India’s diplomatic presence. The attacks on the Indian High Commission in Dhaka, the Indian Assistant High Commission in Chattogram, and residences associated with Indian diplomats marked a dangerous escalation that carried serious regional and diplomatic implications.
The violence spread with alarming speed across Dhaka, Chattogram, Rajshahi and other urban centres, revealing the extent to which law and order has weakened under the interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus. Demonstrators hurled stones, attempted forced marches towards diplomatic compounds, and raised incendiary anti-India slogans that echoed earlier phases of unrest in 2023 and 2024. Media houses bore the brunt of the mob’s fury, with the offices of Prothom Alo, The Daily Star and New Age vandalised, set ablaze and ransacked. Journalists and staff were trapped inside smoke-filled buildings before security forces and firefighters managed to rescue at least 27 employees. Editors across Bangladesh described these assaults not merely as attacks on individual newspapers but as a direct strike against freedom of the press, expression, dissent and the diversity of opinion, principles already under severe strain in a country navigating an uncertain democratic transition.
Alongside the media, political and historical symbols were deliberately targeted. The Awami League office was attacked, and what remained of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s ancestral home in Dhanmondi, previously vandalised during earlier riots and even bulldozed by authorities in February, was once again desecrated. These acts carried heavy symbolic weight, signalling an attempt to erase foundational narratives of the Bangladeshi state while rewriting political memory through intimidation and violence. The Bangladesh Army was deployed on the streets of Dhaka and other sensitive areas as police struggled to contain the unrest, underscoring the gravity of the situation. Shops in key commercial hubs like Uttara were looted, public property was destroyed, and mobs appeared to operate with a sense of impunity that raised troubling questions about the interim government’s capacity to enforce authority.
The unrest took an even darker turn with the lynching of Dipu Chandra Das, a young Hindu garment factory worker in Mymensingh, accused by a mob of making derogatory remarks about Prophet Muhammad. Beaten brutally and left to die on a public road, Das’s killing exposed the deep vulnerability of religious minorities during periods of political instability. The Yunus-led interim government strongly condemned the murder, calling it an act with no place in what it described as a “New Bangladesh”, and promised swift punishment for all those involved. Yet the incident reinforced long-standing fears that communal violence and mob justice flourish when state institutions falter. For minority communities, particularly Hindus, the escalation of unrest ahead of elections scheduled for February 12 has heightened anxieties that they may once again become convenient targets in a larger political and ideological struggle.
Sharif Osman Hadi himself was a deeply polarising figure, and his legacy lies at the heart of the current turmoil. As a key organiser of the July 2024 student-led uprising, Hadi had emerged as a powerful voice within the Inquilab Mancha, a platform that blended populist anger, Islamist undertones and fierce anti-India rhetoric. His supporters, including elements from Jamaat-e-Islami and the student-led National Citizen Party, quickly transformed his death into a rallying point for broader political mobilisation. Protesters accused India of shielding Hadi’s attackers, allegations categorically denied by New Delhi and dismissed by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, which stated that there was no verified evidence of the assailants fleeing across the border. Nevertheless, chants threatening India and questioning its influence reverberated across major cities, reflecting how deeply entrenched anti-India narratives have once again entered the political mainstream.
Analysts and former diplomats have pointed to the possible role of Pakistan-backed Jamaat-e-Islami networks in amplifying the unrest at a sensitive electoral moment. Former Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh Veena Sikri alleged that forces historically opposed to Bangladesh’s independence are exploiting the current vacuum to destabilise the country and strain its ties with India. Others, including former diplomat and Rajya Sabha MP Harsh Vardhan Shringla, have warned that extremist groups are weaponising nationalist sentiment to build momentum ahead of the polls, with threats to diplomatic missions and minorities crossing red lines that cannot be ignored. India has formally conveyed its concerns to Dhaka, reiterating that its territory has never been used for activities detrimental to Bangladesh and stressing the obligation of the host state to protect diplomatic personnel and premises under international law.
The role of Muhammad Yunus as chief adviser has come under increasing scrutiny amid the chaos. Brought back into Bangladesh as a figure of moral authority after Sheikh Hasina’s exit, Yunus now faces accusations of acting as a faux ruler, overly responsive to student demands that resemble the disruptive force of past military coups rather than democratic reform. His administration has pledged accountability, deployed additional security forces, and ordered investigations using CCTV footage to identify perpetrators of arson and vandalism. Yunus himself has described the violence as a conspiracy aimed at destabilising the nation during a period of mourning and transition. Yet critics argue that his perceived reluctance to decisively confront radical elements has emboldened groups eager to dictate terms on the street, undermining the very democratic process the interim government claims to safeguard.
The political horizon offers little reassurance. With elections expected in February 2026, questions loom large over whether Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League will be allowed to participate and whether the polls can be free, fair and inclusive. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, led by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, had boycotted the 2023 elections, deepening the crisis of legitimacy that now haunts the state. Observers fear that continued unrest, coupled with the student community’s thirst for formal power, could lead to further postponements or manipulated outcomes. A democratically elected government, many argue, remains the only viable mechanism to rein in disparate forces, restore institutional authority and prevent Bangladesh from sliding deeper into a reputation defined by corruption, communal violence and governance failures.
As Bangladesh stands at this precarious crossroads, the convergence of street protests, diplomatic tensions and electoral uncertainty presents a severe test for its political maturity. The attacks on media houses, the Indian mission, minority citizens and historical symbols are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a deeper malaise rooted in unresolved transitions and contested power. History suggests that externalising blame, particularly by targeting India, may offer short-term mobilisation but ultimately damages Bangladesh’s own political and economic interests. Whether the interim government can rise above reactive measures and steer the country towards stability, accountability and genuine democratic renewal will determine if this latest eruption of violence becomes another grim chapter in a long cycle or a turning point towards a more resilient republic.
(The writer can be reached at dipakkurmiglpltd@gmail.com)
